Close the Deal and Suddenly Grow Rich - Part 1 (The Psychology to Skyrocket Your Sales Now)
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However, a number of psychological processes combine to influence when social facilitation, not social interference, occurs. The presence of other people can also cause perturbations in our capacity to concentrate on and process information Harkins, Groups usually outperform individuals. A single student, working alone on a paper, will get less done in an hour than will four students working on a group project. One person playing a tug-of-war game against a group will lose. A crew of movers can pack up and transport your household belongings faster than you can by yourself.
Groups, though, tend to be underachievers. But what happens when tasks require a truly collective effort? Three people in a tug-of-war competition, for example, invariably pull and pause at slightly different times, so their efforts are uncoordinated. The result is coordination loss : the three-person group is stronger than a single person, but not three times as strong. As Figure 2 indicates, groups generated more noise than solitary subjects, but the productivity dropped as the groups became larger in size.
Productivity also dropped when subjects merely believed they were in groups. Social loafing is no rare phenomenon. Groups can, however, overcome this impediment to performance through teamwork. Team goals must be set, work patterns structured, and a sense of group identity developed. Researchers have identified two key ingredients to effective teamwork: a shared mental representation of the task and group unity.
Teams improve their performance over time as they develop a shared understanding of the team and the tasks they are attempting.
Effective teams are also, in most cases, cohesive groups Dion, Group cohesion is the integrity, solidarity, social integration, or unity of a group. In most cases, members of cohesive groups like each other and the group and they also are united in their pursuit of collective, group-level goals.
Members tend to enjoy their groups more when they are cohesive, and cohesive groups usually outperform ones that lack cohesion. This cohesion-performance relationship, however, is a complex one. In most cases groups do not become smooth-functioning teams overnight.
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As noted in Focus Topic 1, in the forming phase, the members become oriented toward one another. In the storming phase, the group members find themselves in conflict, and some solution is sought to improve the group environment.
The Psychology of Groups | Noba
In the norming, phase standards for behavior and roles develop that regulate behavior. In the performing, phase the group has reached a point where it can work as a unit to achieve desired goals, and the adjourning phase ends the sequence of development; the group disbands. Members expose information about themselves in polite but tentative interactions. Disagreements about procedures and purposes surface, so criticism and conflict increase.
Much of the conflict stems from challenges between members who are seeking to increase their status and control in the group. The group focuses its energies and attention on its goals, displaying higher rates of task-orientation, decision-making, and problem-solving. The group prepares to disband by completing its tasks, reduces levels of dependency among members, and dealing with any unresolved issues.
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Instead, we gradually become a part of the group and remain in the group until we leave it. For example, when you are thinking of joining a new group—a social club, a professional society, a fraternity or sorority, or a sports team—you investigate what the group has to offer, but the group also investigates you.
During this investigation stage you are still an outsider: interested in joining the group, but not yet committed to it in any way. On a sports team, for example, you may initially hope to be a star who starts every game or plays a particular position, but the team may need something else from you.
In time, though, the group will accept you as a full-fledged member and both sides in the process—you and the group itself—increase their commitment to one another. When that commitment wanes, however, your membership may come to an end as well. Groups are particularly useful when it comes to making a decision, for groups can draw on more resources than can a lone individual.
A single individual may know a great deal about a problem and possible solutions, but his or her information is far surpassed by the combined knowledge of a group. Groups not only generate more ideas and possible solutions by discussing the problem, but they can also more objectively evaluate the options that they generate during discussion.
Before accepting a solution, a group may require that a certain number of people favor it, or that it meets some other standard of acceptability. Groups, however, do not always make good decisions. Juries sometimes render verdicts that run counter to the evidence presented.
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Community groups take radical stances on issues before thinking through all the ramifications. Military strategists concoct plans that seem, in retrospect, ill-conceived and short-sighted. Why do groups sometimes make poor decisions? One of the group members suggests showing a short video that, although amusing, includes some provocative images. Even though initially you think the clip is inappropriate, you begin to change your mind as the group discusses the idea.
The group decides, eventually, to throw caution to the wind and show the clip—and your instructor is horrified by your choice. The repeated statements were far more likely to be judged as true the second and third time they appeared—regardless of their actual validity. Repeat enough times that you were against the war in Iraq, and your actual record on it somehow disappears. Later on, when the brain goes to recall the information, the first part of the sentence often gets lost, leaving only the second.
In a study , Colleen Seifert, a psychologist at the University of Michigan, found that even retracted information—that we acknowledge has been retracted—can continue to influence our judgments and decisions. Even after people were told that a fire was not caused by paint and gas cylinders left in a closet, they continued to use that information—for instance, saying the fire was particularly intense because of the volatile materials present—even as they acknowledged that the correction had taken place. In politics, false information has a special power. And when a politician can create a sense of moral outrage, truth ceases to matter.
People will go along with the emotion, support the cause and retrench into their own core group identities. The actual substance stops being of any relevance. Brendan Nyhan, a political scientist at Dartmouth University who studies false beliefs, has found that when false information is specifically political in nature, part of our political identity, it becomes almost impossible to correct lies. When people read an article beginning with George W. So what can we do in the face of a flagrant liar-in-chief? Here, alas, the news is not particularly promising. Consider a paper aimed at correcting political misperceptions, specifically.
In the study, a group of people around the country were first asked about their knowledge of several government policies: For instance, how familiar were they with how electronic health records were handled? They also were asked about their attitudes toward the issues: Were they in favor, or opposed? Everyone next read a news article crafted specifically for the study that described the policy: how electronic health records work, what the objectives of using them are and how widely they are, in fact, used.
Next, each participant saw a correction to the article, stating that it contained a number of factual errors, alongside an explanation of what was wrong. But the only people who actually changed their incorrect beliefs as a result were those whose political ideology was aligned with the correct information already.
The Real Roots of American Rage
Those whose beliefs ran counter to the correction? They changed their belief in the accuracy of the publication that could possibly publish such an obviously bogus correction. Alas, nothing political fits into that bucket. They turned the system of federally supported agriculture extension agents into a far-flung network of scientific advice, crop marketing assistance, and lobbying help in Congress. But southern progressive reform had its limits. Efforts to enfranchise women, or effectively ban the employment of twelve- and thirteen-year-old children in the textile mills, or enact national anti-lynching legislation met with major resistance.
Although there were islands of exception, the South was visibly poorer than the rest of country, much less urbanized, farther from the new consumer society being built elsewhere, and intractably committed to cotton, low-wage labor, and management of its own racial matters. The most striking change in the South was the massive wartime exodus to the North of African Americans, breaking the ties that had bound most former slaves to agricultural poverty and tenancy since the end of the Civil War.
Almost a half million African Americans fled between and Most were rural folk for whom the sharply defined housing ghettoes and racially segregated labor markets of the urban North still seemed a major step up from sharecropping and the codes of southern racial subordination. New racially segregated labor patterns changed the American Southwest as well, as expanding jobs in the farms, mines, and railroads drew hundreds of thousands of workers across the border with Mexico.
Northern middle-class women had played a defining role in advancing many of the progressive social reforms of the day. Even before they gained the vote, they had established themselves as important politics actors. These new women were both the objects and the subjects of the last major domains of society to be reorganized in this period, the industries of entertainment and consumption. Both grew dramatically between and It was one of the most important discoveries of the age that even pleasure could be engineered.
Moviemakers like D. Griffith learned not simply to film a gripping story, but, through new techniques of scene cutting, to pace and manipulate the very emotions of their audiences. Psychology moved into advertisements as goods and pleasures were made to sell themselves by their brands and slogans.
The Psychology of Groups
Music halls, chain-managed vaudeville, amusement parks, dance clubs, the glittering movie palaces of the s and s, and, finally, radio transformed entertainment in this period, particularly for urban Americans. By the s they lived in a culture much more cosmopolitan—with its African American jazz and dance music, Yiddish comedy, and screen idols who showcased their foreignness—more sexualized, more commercial, and more deliberately organized than any before it. Together with the new forms of pleasure, a new flood of goods poured out of the early twentieth-century economy as production emphases shifted to mass-marketed goods and household consumers.
Canned foods, refrigerators and other electric appliances, factory-made shirtwaists, celluloid collars, and chemically made rayon, cigarettes and soft drinks, snap-shot cameras and phonograph records, together with hundreds of other consumer goods brought the reorganization of capital, production, and advertising into daily life. By there was one automobile for every five persons in the United States. Almost no one in the fall of thought that the bounty might be at its end. Headquarters: 49 W. Skip to main content. History Now. Time Period. Content Type. Fulltext search. A Revolution in Organization The pioneers in the reorganization of social life on more deliberate and systematic lines were the architects of the modern business corporation.
Progressive Politics The energy of the new progressive politics was most intense at the state and local levels where civic reform associations of all sorts sprang up to thrust the new economic and social issues into politics. The International Stage In all these state-building endeavors, early twentieth-century Americans moved in step with their counterparts in other industrial nations. Postwar America Domestically, the break between the prewar and postwar years seemed much sharper than on the international stage. Consumer Culture These new women were both the objects and the subjects of the last major domains of society to be reorganized in this period, the industries of entertainment and consumption.
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